History of the Nation

W8BANAKI NATION

The name W8banaki is a combination of the words "W8ban" (light, or dawn) and “Aki” (land), meaning “People of the Dawn”. Other recognized meanings are “People of the East” and “People of the Rising Sun”. The plural of W8banaki is W8banakiak, which is formed by adding the suffix -ak to the end of the word. The symbol “8” expresses a nasal “o”, which is pronounced “on”. For a long time, the French, English and British colonial administrations used the semi-generic term “Abenaki” (or -kis), which originated from the ethnonym “Abenaquoit”[1] that appeared at the end of the 1620s. The Nation now prefers the use of “W8banaki”, as well as “Aln8ba” (masculine) and “Aln8baskwa” (feminine), which mean “Human Being” in Aln8ba8dwaw8gan (W8banaki language)[2].

Proud of their cultural and linguistic heritage, the W8banakiak occupied vast forested areas in what is now southern Quebec, Maine, New Hampshire and Vermont, as well as parts of Massachusetts and New Brunswick, before the arrival of Europeans. This vast area forms the Ndakina – “Our Territory” - whose name refers to the ancestral territory of the W8banaki Nation. In this regard, the Ndakina borders the Wolastoqiyik (Maliseet) and Passamaquoddy ancestral territories to the east, the Kanien'kehá:ka (Mohawk) ancestral territory to the west, and the Penobscot ancestral territory to the southeast[3]. Historically, the Ndakina watersheds played a major role regarding W8banakiak occupations and annual migrations across their territory. The Nation is distributed in clusters within the watersheds and was originally made up of multiple smaller nations, including the Sokokis, Pigwackets, Penobscots, Canibas (Kennebecs) - later named Norridgewocks - Assagunticooks (Arosaguntacooks), Pennacooks, and Missisquois[4]. It is estimated that the Nation's population was around 10,000 to 20,000 in the early 17th century[5].  

Still present and active on its ancestral territory, the population of the W8banaki Nation currently numbers more than 3,000 individuals, who are distributed mainly in Quebec and Canada, as well as in the United States. The communities of Odanak and W8linak, located respectively on the banks of the Alsig8ntegw and W8linaktegw (Saint-François and Bécancour rivers) in the Centre-du-Québec region, constitute the only W8banakiak groups on the Ndakina. In this regard, the culture and traditional knowledge of the Nation remain very much alive, in particular thanks to the Musée des Abénakis, in Odanak, and to the interpretation centre located at the Petite Chapelle Sainte-Thérèse in W8linak, as well as to the annual Pow Wow and the various cultural activities initiated by the Nation's organizations.

THE W8BANAKIAK PRIOR TO THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS

Current members of the Nation are descendants of a thousand-year-old occupation of the Ndakina regions by W8banakiak ancestors. The oldest archaeological sites in Quebec have been found on the ancestral territory of the W8banaki Nation. These sites date back to between 12,500 and 8,000 years before present (BP). These sites testify to the presence of various nomadic Indigenous groups composed of hunters, gatherers and fishermen, who followed the migrations of the caribou herds. Between 9,000 and 3,000 BP, the landscape gradually changed as the present wildlife, flora and forests emerged. In this context, the W8banakiak ancestors used the major rivers of the Ndakina to travel up the interior of the territory, reaching as far as the Kchitegw (St. Lawrence River) via the age-old communication routes of the Kinebagw (Kennebec River), the Amoscoggen (Androscoggin River), the Kweniteg (Connecticut River), the Pnaspkw (Penobscot River), the Pitawbagw (Lake Champlain), the Masesoliantegw (Richelieu River), the Kik8ntegw (Chaudière River), the Alsig8ntegw (Saint-François River) or the W8linaktegw (Bécancour River). They ensured their subsistence by hunting big game (moose, deer, bear, etc.), trapping small game (beaver, muskrat, hare, etc.), fishing or gathering the plants and berries available on the territory, in addition to exploiting lithic resources essential for tool making. In keeping with their semi-nomadic lifestyle, many people gathered along lakes or rivers in the spring and summer before dispersing inland in the fall and winter, where they hunted in small family groups[1].  

For First Nations belonging to the Algonquian family, such as the W8banakiak, the limits of Indigenous territorial boundaries were much more flexible than colonial or current boundaries. In fact, they could vary in accordance to agreements between allied First Nations or depending on the seasonal availability of certain wildlife, fish, plant and lithic resources. Separated at its core by the Appalachian Mountains, the Ndakina was traditionally organized into villages of varying sizes as well as family hunting territories, which were located inlandor on the outskirts of said villages. The regionalization of ancestral W8banakiak groups on the territory gradually took place from 3,000 BP onwards, and they increased their exchanges of tools and raw materials with the Indigenous people bordering the Ndakina. Through these exchanges, they adopted new practices and ideas, although the Nation continued to live according to the rhythm of the seasons.Archaeological sites dating back approximately 2,400 years attest to important seasonal gatherings at the crossroads of communication routes[2].  

Moving to well-defined locations 800 years ago where abundant resources were present, the Nation adopted horticulture, a practice not shared between all W8banakiak groups located in the eastern and western Ndakina. Indeed, the W8banakiak in Vermont and New Hampshire areas had a climatic advantage over those present west of the Kinebagw (Kennebec River) in Maine. A warmer climat is very important to sucessfully grow corn, beans and squash, which the W8banakiak harvested in the fall[3]. The emergence of horticulture among some W8banakiak groups resulted in a certain sedentary lifestyle, although the notion of mobility remained fundamentally linked to the Nation. In this respect, the W8banakiak occupied semi-permanent villages composed of wigwams and longhouses that were smaller than traditional Iroquoian structures[4]. These villages were located along the major rivers of the Ndakina, rapids and waterfalls and were surrounded by land suitable for agriculture.  However, traditional subsistence practices (hunting, fishing, gathering) remained predominant until the arrival of the Europeans, and following the colonization of the American Northeast. The W8banakiak travelled across rivers in the fall, crossing many rapids and other obstacles in their canoes or by portage, to reach their family hunting grounds where they spent the winter. They came together during the spring and summer gatherings, especially near the Atlantic coast. The archaeological sites associated to this period (800 and 400 BP) bear witness to camps and large villages near main lakes and rivers of the Ndakina, which were periodically reoccupied[5].

AT THE HEART OF COLONIAL RIVALRIES

Contact between Europeans and Indigenous people during the 17th and 18th centuries had a significant impact on the W8banaki Nation. The main factors that disrupted the daily life of the W8banakiak were epidemics (fever, smallpox, measles, influenza), the introduction of European products into the Indigenous trade networks and several military conflicts[1]. These conflicts, combined with epidemics, exacerbated W8banakiak’s mobility, who were weakened by disease and population decline. In this context, W8banakiak groups joined resilient settlements to ensure their safety and livelihood. They also strengthened their relationship with the French, newly settled along the Kchitegw (St. Lawrence River), who sent, for example, Father Gabriel Druillettes to the Kinebagw (Kennebec River) and Acadia between 1646 and 1652[2].

Throughout the colonial period, the Ndakina was used by colonial powers, France and England (later Great Britain), as a buffer zone between the colonies of New France, New England and Nova Scotia.The Nation soon found itself drawn into the heart of Franco-English hostilities centered on the colonization and resource exploitation of the American Northeast. The acquisition of land by Europeans settlers transformed the Ndakina and limited W8banaki members in its accessing their territory. This is how began the extensive anthropization and privatization of the W8banakiak ancestral territory[3].

Concurrently, in the 1670s, the Nation allied itself with the Indigenous nations bordering the Ndakina, forming the Wabanaki Confederacy. This confederacy consisted of five members: the W8banaki Nation, the Penobscot Nation, the Wolastoqey Nation, the Passamaquoddy Nation and the Mi'kmaw Nation. The Wabanaki Confederacy area of influence covered the southern part of Quebec, the Maritimes - in other words, Acadia, or the current territories of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island - and the current states of Maine, New Hampshire and Vermont. This alliance played an important geopolitical role during the King Philip's War (1675-1678) colonization processes of Indigenous lands in New England and Acadia, in response to Iroquois incursions and territorial ambitions of English authorities. Although the W8banakiak  haddiplomatic and military influence during this time , the position and power of the alliance gradually declined, reaching its peak between 1750 and 1850. The W8banakiak from the Odanak and W8linak communities were nevertheless loyal members of the alliance until its dissolution during the mid-19th century[4].

Originally settled in centuries-old villages along the major rivers of present-day Maine, New Hampshire and Vermont, the W8banakiak experienced migration and displacement during the New France colonial era as a result of warfare and political dealings on their territory. As a result, they migrated inland in Maine, New Hampshire and Vermont and into the Eastern Townships region, where they already practiced traditional activities, and even to Kchitegw (St. Lawrence River), where they were granted land by French authorities in the 17th and 18th centuries, which became sedentary missions administered by the Jesuits. In parallel with the occupation of the missions of Sillery, Saint-François-de-Sales on the Kik8ntegw and Alsig8netgw (Chaudière and Saint-François rivers), Saint-François-Xavier on the W8linaktegw (Bécancour River) and, later, Masipskwebi (Missisquoi Bay), the W8banakiak maintained a presence in their villages in Acadia and elsewhere on the Ndakina. This presence was impacted by later wars and geopolitical events. W8banakiak villages known in the 17th and 18th centuries were Pentagouet (Castines, ME), Panaouamské (Old Town, ME), Norridgewock (Old Point, ME), Naurakamig (Canton Point, ME), Amesoquanty (Framington Falls, ME),  Pigwacket (Fryebourg, NH) and Coos (Newbury, VT). Until the ratification of the Treaty of Paris in 1763, these villages were partially or totally abandoned by the W8banakiak who were most exposed to English raids of the and then British soldiers. For this reason, they withdrew to temporary spaces on the south shore of Québec City (Montmagny, Sault de la Chaudière, Pointe-Lévy, Saint-Nicolas, etc.) and to the mission of Saint-François-de-Sales - on the Kik8ntegw (1683-1700) and then on the Alsig8ntegw (1700-...), otherwise known as Fort Odanak (http://www.fort-odanak.ca/index-eng) – and  to the mission of Saint-François-Xavier on the W8linaktegw (1708-…)[5].

PERPETUATING TRADITIONAL PRACTICES

Following the cession of New France to the British under the Treaty of Paris in 1763, the W8banakiak in communities of Saint-François (Odanak) and Bécancour (W8linak) continued to hunt and fish, as their ancestors had done, between the Kik8ntegw (Chaudière River) and the Masesoliantegw (Richelieu River), from the south shore of the Kchitegw (St. Lawrence River) to the territories that would become the Eastern Townships, and even beyond into the present-day states of Maine, New Hampshire and Vermont. The forests bordering the Alsig8ntegw (Saint François River) and W8linaktegw (Bécancour River) were particularly prized, as were the banks of the 8nkawbagak (Great Lake Saint-François)[1].

In the wake of the Constitutional Act of 1791, the Governor of Lower Canada chose in 1792 to divide the land into several townships and to grant the territories south of the Kchitegw seigneuries (St. Lawrence River) to be settled by the British who had fled the American war of independence (1775-1783). The establishment of townships resulted in impacted the access to subsistence resources important to the W8banakiak diet at the turn of the 19th century. As a result, many W8banakiak hunters crossed the Nebesek (Lake Saint-Pierre) and hunted in the Mauricie region for subsistence or commercial purposes, drawing on their extensive alliance and kinship networks, so that they were able to establish and occupy family hunting grounds in the Mauricie region for much of the 19th century[2].

The W8banakiak of Odanak and W8linak worked as guides in private clubs in the Mauricie region during the 19th and 20th centuries. The creation of private hunting and fishing clubs north of the river encroached on family hunting territories and forced many W8banakiak to abandon them. As guides for the rich clientele that frequented these clubs, they were highly praised for their detailed knowledge of the territory and their know-how. Other W8banakiak also worked in logging camps. Authorities also imposed restrictions on the hunting period of fur-bearing animals. By restricting access to large parcels of the Ndakina and family hunting grounds in the Mauricie region, the transmission of traditional knowledge and the practice of activities intimately linked to the W8banakiak way of life were gradually limited. Only guiding, which was very present until the middle of the 20th century, made it possible to perpetuate the traditional knowledge on the territory[3].

As income from hunting and trapping declined in the late 19th century, the W8banakiak found new ways to sustain their livelihood, developing a thriving craft trade around their renowned abaznodal (black ash baskets):

Taking advantage of their extended family networks across the Canada-US border, the W8banakiak traveled great distances in the 19th and 20th centuries to sell their baskets and other crafts. This flourishing trade, which quickly evolved into an “industry” in which all family members were involved, promoted the economic development of the Odanak and W8linak communities during the 1870s and 1880s periods and onwards. Government reports show that basket-making is a predominant occupation within the Nation, particularly in Odanak. Reminiscent of the Nation's semi-nomadic lifestyle, basket-making families travelled throughout the American Northeast, whether by canoe, road or rail. The main outlets were resorts and other tourist locations in Ontario and the northern United States[4].

After the stock-market crash of 1929, the basket-making market went into decline. The Canadian federal government set up the Handicraft Relief Project to support the craft trade in Indigenous communities. While this program gave the abaznodal (black ash basket) industry a boost amidst falling stock markets, it had theconsequence of making the federal government the primary intermediary in this trade, from the collection of raw materials to the sale of the final product. In short, by the 1930s, not only was basket-making among Indigenous nations in decline, but the W8banaki Nation lost control and autonomy over its primary economy. Despite these obstacles, basket making skills are still passed down from generation to generation. In this sense, basket-making remains an important cultural activity and is strongly encouraged within the Nation.

W8BANAKI NATION

  • Bruce J. Bourque. Twelve Thousand Years: American Indians in Maine. Lincoln et London, University of Nebraska Press, 2001.
  • David S. Cook. Above the Gravel Bar: The Native Canoe Routes of Maine. Solon, Solon Center for Research and Publishing, 2007 (1985, 1999).
  • Geneviève Treyvaud, Michel Plourde. Les Abénakis d’Odanak : un voyage archéologique. Odanak, Musée des Abénakis, 2017.
  • William A. Haviland, Marjory W. Power. The Original Vermonters: Native, Inhabitants, Past and Present. Hanover et London, University Press of New England, 1994.

THE W8BANAKIAK PRIOR TO THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS 

  • Alain Beaulieu, dir. Guerre et paix en Nouvelle-France. Québec, Éditions GID, 2003.
  • Colin G. Calloway. The Western Abenakis of Vermont, 1600-1800: War, Migration, and the Survival of an Indian People. Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1990.
  • Colin G. Calloway. Dawnland Encounters: Indians and Europeans in Northern New England. Hanover et London, University Press of New England, 1991.
  • Paul-André Dubois. Lire et écrire chez les Amérindiens de Nouvelle-France : aux origines de la scolarisation et de la francisation des Autochtones du Canada. Québec, Presses de l’Université Laval, 2020.
  • David L. Ghere. « Abenaki Factionalism, Emigration and Social Continuity: Indian Society in Northern New England, 1725 to 1765 ». Thèse de doctorat, Orono, Université du Maine, 1988.
  • Robert Lahaise. Nouvelle-France. English Colonies. L’impossible coexistence, 1606-1713. Québec, Septentrion, 2006.
  • Jean-François Lozier. Flesh Reborn: The Saint Lawrence Valley Mission Settlements through the Seventeenth Century. Montréal et Kingston, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2018.
  • Honorius Provost. Les Abénaquis sur la Chaudière. Québec, Éditions de la Nouvelle-France, 1983.
  • Jean-Pierre Sawaya. La Fédération des Sept Feux de la vallée du Saint-Laurent, XVIIe-XVIIIe siècles. Québec, Septentrion, 1998.
  • Paul-André Sévigny. Les Abénaquis : habitat et migrations (17e et 18e siècles). Montréal, Bellarmin, 1976.

PERPETUATING TRADITIONAL PRACTICES

  • Les Abénaquis au Québec : des grands espaces aux luttes actuelles, volume 33, no. 2, Montréal, Recherches amérindiennes, 2003.
  • Alexis Maquin. « Le paradoxe politique du Département des Affaires indiennes : exemple des Abénaquis d’Odanak et de Wôlinak ». Dans Alain Beaulieu, Stéphanie Béreau, Les Autochtones et le politique, Montréal, CREQTA, 2012.
  • Alice Nash. « Odanak durant les années 1920, un prisme reflétant l’histoire des Abénaquis ». Recherches amérindiennes au Québec, vol. 32, no. 2, 2002.
  • Claude Gélinas. Les Autochtones dans le Québec post-confédéral, 1867-1960. Québec, Septentrion, 2007.
  • Colin G. Calloway. The Abenaki. New York et Philadelphie, Chelsea House Publishers, 1989.
  • François Antaya. « Chasser en échange d’un salaire : les engagés amérindiens dans la traite des fourrures du Saint-Maurice, 1798-1831 ». Revue d’histoire de l’Amérique française, vol. 63, no. 1, 2009.
  • François Antaya. « Les petits commerçants et la traite des fourrures du Saint-Maurice : 1798-1831 ». Le Nouveau Madelinois, no. 2, printemps 2010.
  • Gaby Pelletier. Abenaki Basketry. Ottawa, Musée national de l’homme, 1982.
  • Marie-Line Audet. « Protéger, transformer : l’« agent des Sauvages » et la réserve des Abénaquis de la rivière Saint-François (Québec), 1873-1889 ». Mémoire de maîtrise, Trois-Rivières, Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières, 2011.
  • Thomas-Marie Charland. Les Abénakis d’Odanak. Montréal, Lévrier, 1964.

W8BANAKI NATION

[1] Honorius Provost, Les Abénaquis sur la Chaudière, Québec, Éditions de la Nouvelle-France, 1983, p. 7.

[2] Paul-André Sévigny, Les Abénaquis : Habitat et migrations (17e et 18e siècles), Montréal, Bellarmin, 1976, p. 18-19; Dean R. Snow, “The ethnohistoric baseline of the Eastern Abenaki”, Ethnohistory, 23, 3 (summer 1976), p. 296; Philippe Charland, “Définition et reconstitution de l’espace territorial du Nord-Est amériquain : la reconstruction de la carte du W8banaki par la toponymie abénakise au Québec Aln8baïwi Kdankina – Notre monde à la manière abénakise”, doctoral thesis (geography), Montréal, McGill University, 2005, p. 60-61, 103; Ndakina Office, Le Ndakina de la Nation W8banaki au Québec : document synthèse relatif aux limites territoriales, Wôlinak, Grand Conseil de la Nation Waban-Aki, 2015, p. 133.

[3] Ndakina Office, op.cit., p. 14-15; Colin G. Calloway, The Abenaki, New York-Philadelphia, Chelsea House, 1989, p. 13-16; Serge Bouchard, Sylvie Vincent and José Mailhot, Peuples autochtones de l’Amérique du Nord : de la réduction à la coexistence, Québec, Télé-Université, 1989, p. 108-109.

[4] Ndakina, op.cit., p. 14-15, 17-18; Bruce J. Bourque, “Ethnicity on the Maritime Peninsula, 1600-1759”, Ethnohistory, 36, 3 (summer 1989), p. 257-260; William G. Ganong, A Monograph of Historical Sites in the Province of New Brunswick, Ottawa, Hope & Sons, 1899, p. 217; Joseph-Anselme Maurault, Histoire des Abénakis : depuis 1605 jusqu’à nos jours, Sorel, Typographic workshop by the “Gazette de Sorel”, 1866, p. 4-7.

[5] William D. Williamson, History of the State of Maine: From Its First Discovery, A.D. 1602, to the Separation, A.D. 1820, Inclusive, vol. 1, Hallowell, Galzier, Masters & Co., 1832, p. 483; Paul-André Dubois, “Chant et mission en Nouvelle-France : espace et rencontre des cultures”, doctoral thesis (history), Québec, Université Laval, 2004, p. 333-334; Olive P. Dickason, Les Premières Nations au Canada : depuis les temps les plus lointains jusqu’à nos jours, Québec, Septentrion, 2014, p. 107; Raph T. Pastore, “Native History in the Atlantic Region during the Colonial Period”, Acadiensis, 20, 1 (fall 1990), p. 211.

THE W8BANAKIAK PRIOR TO THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS 

[1] Ndakina Office, op.cit., p. 15-17; Barry Rodrigue, “L’apparition humaine”, in Serge Courville et al., Histoire de Beauce-Etchemin-Amiante, Sainte-Foy, Institut québécois de recherche sur la culture, 2003, p. 79; Honorius Provost, Chaudière-Kennebec : grand chemin séculaire, Québec, Garneau, 1974, p. 65-66; William A. Haviland, Marjory W. Power, The Original Vermonteers: Native Inhabitants, Past and Present, Hanover, University Press of New England, 1994, p. 158-159; Jack A. Frisch, Cognatic Kinship Organization Among the Northeast Algonkians, Halifax, Dept. of Anthropology, Saint Mary’s University, 1977, p. 31-34; Kenneth M. Morrison, “The People of the Dawn: the Abnaki and their relations with New England and New France, 1600-1727”, doctoral thesis (history), Orono, University of Maine, 1975, p. 26-27.

[2] Treyvaud, Plourde, op.cit., p. 28; Bourque, op.cit., p. 75-101; Christian Roy, “Des forts, des postes et de l’eau”, in Daniel Larouche, Michel Plourde, Eau : dans le sillage du temps, Montréal, l’Homme, Pointe-à-Callières, Montreal Archaeology and history complex, 2017, p. 90.

[3] Treyvaud, Plourde, op.cit., p. 29-31,80; William A. Farley, Gabriel Hrynick, “A Quantitative Dwelling-Scale Approach to the Social Implications of Maize Horticulture in New England”, American Antiquity, 84, 2 (April 2019), p. 274-276, 280-281; Dean R. Snow, “Eastern Abenaki”, in Bruce G. Trigger, dir., Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 15: Northeast, Washington D.C., Smithsonian Institution, 1978, p. 138-139.

[4] John H. Hart, William A. Lovis, “Reevaluating What We Know About the Histories of Maize in Northeastern North America: A Review of Current Evidence”, Journal of Archaeological Research, 21, 3 (June 2013), p. 194-195; Bourque, op.cit., p. 88-89, 143-144; Calloway, The Abenaki, op.cit., p. 20-21.

 

[5] Treyvaud, Plourde, op.cit., p. 31, 63; Calloway, The Abenaki, op.cit., p. 16-18; Harald E.L. Prins, “Children of Gluskap: Wabanaki Indians on the Eve of the European Invasion”, in Emerson W. Baker et al., American Beginnings: Exploration, Culture, and Cartography in the Land of Norumbega, Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1994, p. 99-100, 102-104; Hart, Lovis, loc.cit., p. 178; Dean R. Snow, The Archaeology of New England, New York, Academic Press, 1980, p. 44-49, 56.

AT THE HEART OF COLONIAL RIVALRIES 

[1] Colin G. Calloway, The Western Abenakis of Vermont, 1600-1800: War, Migrations, and the Survival of an Indian People, Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1990, p. 22-23, 34, 43; Colin G. Calloway, “The Abenakis and the Anglo-French Borderlands”, in Peter Benes, dir., New England/New France, 1600-1850, Boston, Boston University, 1992, p. 18-27.

[2] Harald E.L. Prins, Bunny McBride, Asticou’s Island Domain: Wabanaki Peoples at Mount Desert Island, 1500-2000, vol. 1, Boston, National Park Service, U.S. Department of the Interiror, 2007, p. 1, 56, 144; Calloway, The Western Abenakis of Vermont, op.cit., p. 22-23, 40, 43; K. Morrison, loc.cit., p. 115; Provost, Les Abénaquis sur la Chaudière, op.cit., p. 8.

[3] Pierre-François-Xavier de Charlevoix, Histoire et description générale de la Nouvelle-France, vol. 1, Paris, Rolin Fils, 1744, p. 130-131, 520-521; Camille de Rochemonteix, Les Jésuites et la Nouvelle-France au XVIIIe siècle d’après des documents inédits, vol. 2, Paris, Alphone Picard et fils, 1906, p. 12-19; Jean-François Lozier, Flesh Reborn: The Saint Lawrence Valley Mission Settlements through the Seventeenth Century, Montréal and Kingston, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2018, p. 222-257; Colin G. Calloway, New Worlds for All: Indians, Europeans, and the Remaking of Early America, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997, p. 108, 115, 117, 146.

[4] Harald E.L. Prins, “The Crooked Path of Dummer’s Treaty: Anglo_Wabanaki-Diplomacy and the Quest for Aboriginal Rights”, in Hans C. Wolfart, dir., Actes du 33e Congrès des Algonquinistes, Winnipeg, University of Manitoba Press, 2002, p. 362-365, 374; John Grenier, The Far Reaches of Empire: War in Nova Scotia, 1710-1760, Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 2008, p. xiv; Jean-Pierre Sawaya, La Fédération des Sept Feux de la vallée du Saint-Laurent, XVIIe-XVIIIe siècles, Québec, Septentrion, 1998, p. 145-148.

 

[5] Calloway, New Worlds for All, op.cit., p. 142, 146; John Dickinson, “La population autochtone”, in Serge Courville, dir., Population et territoire, Québec, Presses de l’Université Laval, 1996, p. 15-17; Maurault, op.cit., p. 176-177; Sévigny, op.cit., p. 117-167.

PERPETUATING TRADITIONAL PRACTICES

[1] Maurault, op.cit., p. 176-177; Thomas-Marie Charland, Les Abénakis d’Odanak, Montréal, Lévrier, 1964, p. 325-326; Gwen Barry, “La « piste Bécancour : des campements abénaquis dans l’arrière-pays”, Recherches amérindiennes au Québec, vol. 33, no. 2, 2003, p. 93-100; Jean-Pierre Kesteman, “Un espace amérindien”, in Jean-Pierre Kesteman, Peter Southam and Diane Saint-Pierre, Histoire des Cantons de l’Est, Québec, Presses de l’Université Laval, 1998, p. 75; Joseph Bouchette, A Topographical Dictionary of the Province of Lower Canada, London, Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Green, and Longman, 1832.

[2] Jean-Pierre Kesteman, “Les débuts du peuplement”, in Jean-Pierre Kesteman, Peter Southam and Diane Saint-Pierre, Histoire des Cantons de l’Est, Québec, Presses de l’Université Laval, 1998, p. 88-98, 108-124; T. Charland, op.cit., p. 326-329; Claude Gélinas, “La Mauricie des Abénaquis au XIXe siècle”, Recherches amérindiennes au Québec, vol. 33, no. 2, 2003, p. 44-56.

[3] Ndakina Office, op.cit., p. 9; T. Charland, op.cit., p. 329; Gélinas, loc.cit., p. 53.

 

[4] Gaby Pelletier, Abenaki Basketry, Ottawa, Canadian Museum of Man, 1982, p. 5-7; Marie-Line Audet, “Protéger, transformer : l’agent des Sauvages et la réserve des Abénaquis de la rivière Saint-François (Québec), 1873-1889”, Master’s thesis (history), Trois-Rivières, Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières, 2011, p. 55-58.